[Kat - Part I of a two part rebuttal to the rebuttal]
Having opened the door to a Cold War comparison with "Who Dies First?" and the follow up on Rational State v. Mad Mullahs, it is only fair to respond to Ry's rebuttal: Talking to the Dead.
I'll start with a note that the dead are, indeed, dead and, if they could speak at all, might simply voice the opinion that they would have liked to have lived.
There are certain calculations in war and peace that do, in fact, force us to decide what exactly we can live with as a cost for either. But, in order to make those calculations, we need to understand the starting point. Possibly, even agree on it. That starting point must begin with at least one fact: Iran does not have a nuclear weapon - yet.
[continued in flash traffic]
I find it some what egregious that the argument for learning to live with a nuclear Iran assumes that we must accept that they will have a nuclear weapon or that we should begin our approach to Iran as if they already had one. Why are we precluding the prevention of those circumstances? Even unto military intervention of one stripe or another?
Second, in making that acceptance a center of our approach, we elevate Iran far above its actual current station that is politically, economically and militarily inferior to the United States. I don't mean to imply that it makes Iran less dangerous nor that their capabilities should be ignored nor even that it implies we should take whatever actions we like including immediate military intervention. However, no one has yet to give an acceptable answer as to why we should handicap ourselves and make Iran equal at the negotiation table.
This isn't a sport where sportsmanship demands each participant have an equal start or equal chance at winning the game. This is national survival and the state should seek to have the strongest position possible to insure it can have the most options available in dealing with another state. It is one of the reasons that I eschew the idea voiced by Senator Obama that he would reach out and seek an audience with Ahmedinejad without pre-conditions, thereby, doing exactly that: elevating Iran and Ahmedinejad's political position.
That is exactly what it would be and it would not only give the Islamic Republic cache in its own country, but on the world stage. Historically, every act of recognizing Iran or attempting to negotiate with it has led to Iran insisting they had the upper hand and, very often, rejecting negotiations all together. Believing, if you will, that they have already achieved their goal by a simple act and going forward from there. It's a brilliant political move on their part, but hardly imbues negotiations or "talks" with them with some greater value for us or any other erstwhile supplicant.
One idea is that elevating them may force them to grow up into a rational state and jettison their revolutionary ideas. Much, as was contended, as was accomplished with the USSR. I have to disagree with that considering the current political realities of Iran.
Most people look at Iran and see a state run by religious authority that came to power in the revolution. That is true in so far as the Grand Council still remains the guiding power. Many people also consider these men to be "the revolutionaries" since it was their ideas and leadership in 1979 that overturned the Shah's government.
However, the real revolutionaries were the students and Ahmedinejad was a key member. It is suggested that the Khomeinists had neither expected nor advocated for the taking of hostages at the US embassy and that it was a stand alone plot by the students that Khomeini was forced by circumstances (and possibly good political positioning) to support lest he lose the zealous revolutionary followers. There was and is a split within these revolutionary clerics as to whether they should pursue external revolution or simply concentrate on insuring control of Iran and its continuation as the embodiment of the Islamic idea.
Today, it is these same student revolutionaries who are quietly, and not so quietly, consolidating their power over Iran. They have maneuvered to place supporters on the Grand Council who will pick the next Ayatollah and have "purged" clerical allies from public office. When I say "they", I am speaking of Ahmedinejad and his other "former" Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, many of whom were the original revolutionaries. These men are indoctrinated with the revolution and their responsibility to grow it including outside of the Iranian borders.
These men also consider that the Council and many clergy there have lost their way from the revolution. They believe Iran is being pulled inexorably towards western culture and politics. They mean to re-instate the revolution and stop the slide as they see it. One of the reasons that they do reject open relations or simply talking to the US and others. With the IRGC at the controls, they believe that the clergy will be forced to support them or end up losing power and becoming figureheads under the new revolution.
In a paradoxic twist, the Mad Mullahs may end up being the cautious moderates in the face of a resurgent revolution. That is the issue that plagues the question of who exactly will have control of a potential nuclear Iran. Or whether, as has been suggested, it could be "grown" into a "rational state" a la the USSR. At least in any time that will preclude the deployment of nuclear weapons or any other egregious act.
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