COIN: Stop Being the Alien

[Kat]

Apropos Bill's post from yesterday Hussayn's Story

Tom Odom of Small Wars Journal created a paper called Introduction to Evolution of Revolt discussing the original document written by T.E. Lawrence of the same name, "Evolution of Revolt". Lawrence explains how he used his much smaller force against a larger force to win "victories". As he says, he went where they were unable to go and they could not be everywhere. He said their actual activities were only actively supported by 2% of the population, but passively supported by 98% who would give them cover or, at least, not give away their movements. In short, "neutral" or "passive" populations were also "good". Lawrence went on to say that a successful insurgency needs a good enemy:

It must have a sophisticated alien enemy...to few to adjust number to space, in order to dominate the whole area effectively from fortified posts.

Lawrence proclaims:

victory will rest with the insurgents, for the algebraical factors are in the end decisive, and against them perfections of means and spirit struggle quite in vain.

But, Odom notes that the term "alien" doesn't necessarily relate to "foreign occupier":

In a larger sense, though, Lawrence was speaking of an enemy that remains alien or alienates itself from the population.

The Turks, by staying in their fortified positions and only coming out to defend their supply lines or take punitive actions against the population, never trying to win them over or take care of their concerns, were the "alien". Not by dent of who they were, but what they did or did not do. It is a problem we had in the first few years of our efforts in Iraq and, probably still do, in Afghanistan to some degree.

But, is it all about, as Lawrence noted, the "algebraical factors"? Those factors that Lawrence alludes to is a basic calculation of the number of soldiers per mile Turkey would have to have to control the actual territory. If these "algebraical factors" exist, can they be changed by changing parts of the formula? Contrary to Lawrence's assertions, not all insurgents win. In recent history, El Salvador would be an example of an insurgency that actually lost. How do we change the equation?

To paraphrase Lawrence, first, we must have a "good enemy". An enemy that abandons its figurative role of "defending" the population and, instead of attacking the forces or materials of the "alien" occupier, attacks the population. An enemy that turns the "98% passive support" among the population into 50% or more actively or even "passively" rejecting it.

Second, we must Stop Being the Alien.

When the "good enemy" becomes the attacker, we must become the defender. Not of our own forces or bases, but the defender of the people.

To accomplish that, a counter-insurgent has several basic tasks. First, to secure the population physically and, as the Broken Windows theory shows, mentally. In Baghdad, the first thing they did was to seal off neighborhoods with concrete barriers, setting up check points, combat outposts and joint security stations. Finally, we stopped doing "presence patrols" in humvees and started "walking the beat".

In Broken Windows theory, this same approach had significant psychological effect on both the law abiding and non-law abiding citizens alike.

These findings may be taken as evidence that the skeptics were right- foot patrol has no effect on crime; it merely fools the citizens into thinking that they are safer. But in our view, and in the view of the authors of the Police Foundation study (of whom Kelling was one), the citizens of Newark were not fooled at all. They knew what the foot-patrol officers were doing, they knew it was different from what motorized officers do, and they knew that having officers walk beats did in fact make their neighborhoods safer.

The issue here was that the officer gave the impression of "order". What citizens feared most in Newark, NJ were attacks by strangers. By keeping strangers "moving along" and the disreputable locals behaving within "informal community rules", order or the perception of order was increased and maintained. Even when violence did not seem to immediately decrease.

In Iraq, one of the reasons that we partnered with local "concerned citizens" or "sons of Iraq", etc was because, as residents of the area, they would know better than we did who belonged and who didn't. They knew who the "strangers" were. With the barriers and check points in place, strangers were kept out of the neighborhoods or "moving right along" if they had any business being there.

Many checkpoints in Al Anbar would call someone in the village to verify the stranger had legitimate business there and would establish this contact as the "responsible party". They would also take the stranger's identification. This limited the stranger's ability to move about freely without the escort of the responsible party. It also meant that, if something did happen, the security forces would know where to start looking first and that meant the responsible party could be in trouble, too. This effectively limited both the active and passive support of the population for any outside infiltration or activities that could be dangerous to the rest of the population.

These check points were not always the best nor as thorough as they could have been or should be. Infiltration, poor training, intimidation, limited resources and many other aspects interfered with their ability to perform at a high standard. But, as Broken Windows shows, it wasn't really the physical capabilities that mattered, it was the psychological effect. The citizens perceived improved security so they acted on it. Someone was near by to hear their complaints, to act when danger was perceived or real. Even if they didn't always get there before the act occurred or apprehended the criminal afterwards. When perceived dangers existed, someone was there and would respond.

The same psychological effect acted on the insurgents. Not every checkpoint was attacked nor did insurgents try to or succeed in smuggling in arms or bombs through every checkpoint. Some attacks that did occur were extremely devastating, but something kept happening; the debris was cleared, the dead and wounded removed and the checkpoints remained. Even in relative success, the insurgents had failed.

Eventually, the odds of success in an attack or ability to smuggle in men and materials, even though still in favor of the insurgent, gave the impression that it was too costly. The presence of US military, IA and IP patrolling as well local "Sons of Iraq" gave the impression of security among the population and led some to provide information or make reports about suspected insurgents. It wasn't anywhere near a majority of the population, but it didn't matter. The ability of the insurgent to remain anonymous and retain the passive support or neutrality of the population was gone.

Malcolm Gladwell in The Tipping Point expressed the idea that the tipping point wasn't dependent on gaining a majority, but that the right people at the right time were in the right place to sway just enough of the right people. Once a few felt safe enough to act safe and then to turn against the insurgents or, at least, to stop being neutral, thus, passive supporters, it quickly spread by word and example. It became a "good" social "epidemic".

In Lawrence's "algebraical factors", he calculated the number of foreign troops needed to secure territory. What he did not add to his calculation was the exponent that represented the power of the citizens arrayed against the insurgents. He barely considered it a possibility.

Of course, it wasn't just the check points manned by local citizens or police. Further, the locals weren't going to partner with us just because they didn't like the insurgents or extremists. In fact, some of the "local concerned citizens" who did partner with us had been insurgents. Many suggest that it was strictly a cold calculation of physical and political survival or even choosing the lesser evil.

Even in the last calculation, how did these people know that we were "the lesser evil" or simply better than the insurgents and extremist foreigners? After all, what were we doing different than the insurgents or extremists? For several years we drove through neighborhoods, barely stopping, on the way to find "bad guys". When we arrived or were attacked, we had a fire fight. People were killed, property was damaged and then we left, returning to our bases.

Broken Windows - Newark, NJ

In response to fear people avoid one another, weakening controls. Sometimes they call the police. Patrol cars arrive, an occasional arrest occurs but crime continues and disorder is not abated. Citizens complain to the police chief, but he explains that his department is low on personnel and that the courts do not punish petty or first-time offenders. To the residents, the police who arrive in squad cars are either ineffective or uncaring: to the police, the residents are animals who deserve each other. The citizens may soon stop calling the police, because "they can't do anything."

In Iraq, insurgents and extremists still remained in control of the territory and the people just by dent of their continuing existence, even if they were no more numerically superior than our forces in the area, within even a neutral population that either passively supported or were intimidated into that support.

Muggers and robbers, whether opportunistic or professional, believe they reduce their chances of being caught or even identified if they operate on streets where potential victims are already intimidated by prevailing conditions. If the neighborhood cannot keep a bothersome panhandler from annoying passersby, the thief may reason, it is even less likely to call the police to identify a potential mugger or to interfere if the mugging actually takes place.

The insurgents and extremists were there among the people and we were not. We were still the aliens. We were separated by distance, by culture, by language, by perceived differences in security and, finally, by a hunk of metal.

Broken Windows - Newark, NJ

Some police administrators concede that this process occurs, but argue that motorized-patrol officers can deal with it as effectively as foot patrol officers. We are not so sure. In theory, an officer in a squad car can observe as much as an officer on foot; in theory, the former can talk to as many people as the latter. But the reality of police-citizen encounters is powerfully altered by the automobile. An officer on foot cannot separate himself from the street people; if he is approached, only his uniform and his personality can help him manage whatever is about to happen.

How simple it all must sound in a complicated combat theater. We stopped being occupiers and started walking the beat. The Sons of Iraq became an exponent, exponentially increasing our capabilities, not just in man power or coverage per square mile as Lawrence figured it, but a dynamic denominator that gave the US and coalition forces, the "aliens", a connection to the population, a shared common need and way to accomplish those goals.

That is what Lawrence assumed incorrectly. He assumed that the alien would just remain "alien" because they simply were and any actions after that kept them "alien", only compounding the disconnect.

So, the first rule of thumb for a first time patrolling force: stop being the alien!

Get out and talk to someone.

4 Comments

testing comments
 
Kat - the "allow comments" box got un-ticked somehow during publishing (prolly one of the interior guard with a flea and tick collar wandered by). I went in and fixed it.
 
I gotta say this something i agree with, in some ways it's one alien versus another because much of AlQ can be seen this way too by locals.
 
Iraq = Alien v. Predator I realize that movies are an odd analogy, but I always thought this movie was interesting because, in the end, the actors and audience had to choose or identify with the "lesser evil." The Predator, based on previous movies, hunted humans. But, he had a reason, an objective and a limitation to who, what and when he would attack. Thus, the risk factors and survivability of could be calculated. In short, if you didn't pick up a gun or act agressively, you could survive. Further, the Predator resembled our own human ideas. He had a sense of right and wrong, he had some sense of "honor" and he attempted to communicate. Even if all of these things were not perfect, we could still "connect" with the Predator. Not to mention, he did walk on two legs and have two arms and hands, even if he was butt ugly. The Alien, on the other hand, had a reason or objective, too, but the rhyme and limitations were missing. The Alien would attack anyone and anything in order to propagate. Therefore, the risk factor was exponentially increased and survivability was down across the board. Further, no communications, just ugly hissing and stinky breath. No sense of honor or right or wrong. Just animal instinct of survivability. And, it was uglier than the predator. It didn't look or act like us. Yes, it was disgustingly ugly. So, when you were watching the movie, Alien v. Predator, who did you root for? Somewhere at the beginning, I was rooting for the aliens to kill each other and save the actors the trouble. In the middle, I wasn't sure. I was leaning towards the Predator, but I still hoped they would kill each other and the rest of the humans would be saved. At the end, I was definitely rooting for the Predator, hoping he would kill the Alien, feel like he did what he needed to do and then would leave without killing anymore of the actors. I would add, finally, that, even "looks" aren't necessarily the guiding factor. If the ugly Alien had acted with some sort of humanistic behavior, like compassion, mercy, bravery, etc, protected the humans and fought the predator, even as ugly as it was, would we still feel disgust and reject it, or would we have overlooked its physical flaws in favor of its behavior? If the shoe had been on the other foot, who would the actors and audience chosen to support? sound familiar?