Lessons from History: American Independence

We ought therefore to be cautious how we magnify our ideas and exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves and our posterity as well as to them. Let us above all things avoid as much as possible entangling ourselves with their wars and politics...America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.

Some might say that the shoe is on the other foot these days. However, it might behoove us to remember, when people are screaming about imperialism and war for oil, however, deep our own interests lay, there is always another's that we see as bound to ours and vis-a-versa, but also and often opposing.

McCollough again writing about Adams in 1781 to negotiate a peace treaty with Britain, notes a discussion Adams had with Richard Oswald who charged Adams with being afraid of becoming the tool of the powers of Europe. Adams replied, "Indeed, I am."

"What powers?" says he [Oswald]. "all of them," says I. "It is obvious that all the powers of Europe will be continually maneuvering with us, to work us into their real or imaginary balances of power....I think it ought to be our rule not to meddle, and that of all the powers of Europe not to desire us, or perhaps even to permit us, to interfere, if they can help it."

In an earlier letter he wrote to Congress on learning that the ambassadors have been directed to do nothing without the agreement or direction of the French court, quoting John Jay:

I cannot express it better than in his own words: "to be honest and grateful to our allies, but to think for ourselves."

Adams went on with the other commissioners to insist, even against France's wishes, that negotiations could not start unless Britain first recognized the United States' independence. France, for its part, had already indicated to Britain that the recognition of independence was not a primary concern for them in negotiating peace. Of course, France had helped the United States, but had also helped itself into severe debt. It was interested, at this point, in "peace at any price." Adams et al stuck to their guns and the British finally returned with instructions to negotiate with "the United States of America" instead of the "colonies".

It is interesting how Adams was at once excoriated by some members of congress for being "too rigid" and not deferential enough to our allies. Then, when he secured the peace treaty with all that congress could ask, he was praised by some who had questioned his abilities and others, even at the moment of triumph, still wrote him letters demanding to know why he had done this or that, or not done another.

At the beginning of our inception as a nation, the same questions, the same issues existed about how to conduct foreign affairs, the type of diplomacy or diplomats we used and how deferential to be to our nominal allies, particularly those in Europe, that exist today.

In closing, in response to those who lament the American image in Europe and abroad, I will quote from one more letter from Adams to a young merchant who was going to Europe and who had asked what manners he should cultivate while touring Europe:

You tell me, sir, you wish to cultivate your manners before you begin your travels...permit me to take the liberty of advising you to cultivate the manners of your own country, not those of Europe.